A friend of the White House called last week to tell us that Tony Doulan, who was working with him in President Trump's local policy council, died that morning.
His name may be unfamiliar, but you know his words: “Evil Empire” was the president of speech, President Ronald Reagan.
It was a title he held for all the eight years of the Reagan administration, although the leadership of the speech writing team moved back and forth between him and the strong Ben Elliot on an equal footing, depending on any person anger at the western wing at that time.
Nothing may have angered these employees more than the speech that Tony wrote for Reagan in early 1983 in the National Association of Evangelists.
She prompted her calls for the American Christian Christian heritage, and to warn her that faith and morals are the basis of a free society, and its explicit occurrence of the Soviet Union as “the place of evil in the modern world”-more richer, “evil empire”-pushed each button in the west.
As happened, my first meeting with the speech was when the New York Times opened the next day while riding on Ametra from New York to Washington to meet Tony of what, during our lunch, became a work interview.
I was shocked when I read the speech – the same amazing way today, to hear President Trump talking about clear facts whose general words were banned.
I was still somewhat astonished when I sat with Tony in the chaos of the White House. I mentioned the speech and how I found it unusual.
“Oh, yes,” Tony said, and he started telling me the background of the background.
White House employees, who believed that their role was to protect Reagan from his “most conservative instincts”, proved the evil empire from Tony's draft, along with many other language that they considered “inflammation”.
But Tony, whose bureaucratic skills had stood in a good position in the Byzantine court, obtained his original draft of the president. Rigan loved her, especially the part of the evil empire.
So the date was made.
It was practical, I was learning soon, which was played almost daily at Reagan White House.
Indeed, there are few Reagan who said about historical consequences that employees and other “wise” heads of the administration – Foreign Minister George Schultz and the Chief of Staff Jim Baker first – did not try to ban, fall and turn into a speech.
This included the former reference of Tony, in a speech to the British Parliament, which expected the Soviet Union to end to the “Ash Pile of History”, and the famous Peter Robinson “Mr. Gorbachev, the demolition of this wall.”
We did not suffer from explicit criminality, and some may say the betrayal that described the “resistance” in the first Trump administration, but we fought daily against the same non -NIA thinking.
There was hardly any conservative media at that time. National Review and the American Spectator, and in some issues the Wall Street Journal, was on this topic.
In fact, the conservative movement has not grown much in the contracts since Bill Buckley mocked that it could hold its national conference in the phone booth.
As a result, the actual number of Reaganians in the Reagan Administration has reached a few of a handful, with the largest concentration of real believers who gather in the speech writing section.
That was lucky: The formulation of speeches was the land in which many of the most intense political battles in administration fought. But this means that every day was a kind of guerrilla war.
It is likely to be a losing suggestion without having a leader of a set of Tony skills.
Before joining the Reagan presidential campaign, Tony had already made a name for himself as a reporter, and won the Politzer Award for a series of articles that dropped the mob in Connecticut.
That experience made him imperceptible to intimidation, and gave him a strong ability to inhale lies and deception – whether it is made of the Soviet propaganda machine or the cell mentality in Washington.
He also gave him deep respect for the strength of the truth.
For this reason, Tony scored victory after his victory over America and for freedom. It will be strongly missed.
Joshua Gilder was a letter to Vice President George Ho W. Bush (1983-1984) and President Ronald Reagan (1985-88).